Turchia : morti negli scontri, An almanac tracks Turkey’s workplace tragedies,‘Pan-Islamic thought in Turkey’,bis notizie economiche in Turchia

 

Turchia, la denuncia di Amnesty: “Due morti negli scontri in piazza”

ultimo aggiornamento: 02 giugno, ore 11:56

Istanbul – (Adnkronos) – L’organizzazione umanitaria aggiorna il bilancio degli scontri di ieri: “L’eccessivo uso della forza è veramente vergognoso”. Oltre mille i feriti. Turchia in rivolta, lacrimogeni sulla folla La polizia si ritira da piazza Taksim. In piazza anche ad Ankara e in altre città turche. Il premier ammette l’uso eccessivo dei lacrimogeni: aperta un’inchiesta (FOTO), (VIDEO)

Istanbul – (Adnkronos) – Due persone sono rimaste ucccise negli scontri avvenuti ieri ad Istanbul.

E’ la denuncia che arriva oggi da Amnesty International che parla di oltre mille persone rimaste ferite nelle durissime cariche lanciate dalla polizia contro le proteste contro la distruzione del parco di Gezi che si sono trasformate in una protesta contro il governo di Erdogan.

“L’eccessivo uso della forza contro le proteste interamente pacifiche in piazza Taksim e’ veramente vergognoso”, ha detto il John Dalhuisen direttore dell’ufficio Europa dell’associazione per la tutela dei diritti umani.

Oggi intanto il sindaco di Istanbul, Kadir Topbas, incontrerà, insieme agli urbanisti del comune, i rappresentanti del movimento Taksim-Gazi per trovare delle possibili soluzioni. Lo ha annunciato il premier turco, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, con un messaggio su Twitter. Il movimento di protesta è iniziato contro il progetto di distruzione del parco di Gazi, che si trova nei pressi della piazza di Taksim, per realizzare un controverso progetto urbanistico.

Ieri Erdogan ha detto che, nonostante le proteste, il progetto andava avanti.

Intanto, già diverse centinaia di persone sono arrivate nella piazza Taksim dove nel primo pomeriggio e’ indetta una nuova manifestazione.

http://www.adnkronos.com/IGN/News/Esteri/Turchia-la-denuncia-di-Amnesty-Due-morti-negli-scontri-in-piazza_32254833602.html

An almanac tracks Turkey’s workplace tragedies

in media 3-5 morti nelle miniere del paese, cantieri, fabbriche e cantieri sono riportati sui giornali in tutta la Turchia ogni giorno.

 

 Miners in the Black Sea’s hard-bitten coal town of Zonguldak pray during a memorial service for 30 fellow miners who were killed during a tunnel collapse in May 2010. (Photo: AA, Erdinç Aksoy)

2 June 2013 /NOAH BLASER, İSTANBUL

Before the death toll was fully known in last month’s Bangladesh garment factory collapse, the public’s fury had boiled over, arrests had been made and a government accustomed to ignoring work accidents pledged to overhaul the country’s sweatshops and factories.

Not so for industrial accidents in Turkey, where a regular procession of gruesome workplace disasters hasn’t prompted reform of shockingly lax safety standards or led to determined legal action against the companies and supervisors responsible for gross negligence in work zones.

A book published this month by the non-profit One Hope Foundation brings the litany of workplace deaths in 2012 together, providing a record that reads like testimony concerning some single, unspeakable industrial accident. A machine press crushes a father of four, a faulty elevator drowns its occupants after plunging into a river during the construction of a dam: The organization reported a total of 878 workplace deaths in 2012, a number that adds to the estimated tally of between 10,000 and 17,000 workers who have died in industrial accidents in the last 10 years.

“The future depends on how seriously the government is willing to take this problem,” said Utkan Yetimoğlu, the lead researcher in the One Hope Foundation’s 2012 report on work deaths. “An honest national campaign to enforce existing laws by dramatically increasing the number and power of inspectors, developing better safety training and successfully punishing those who commit crimes of negligence aren’t out of reach by any means,” he asserted.

According to “The 2012 Almanac of Workplace Murders,” the One Hope Foundation’s book, on average three to five deaths in the country’s mines, construction sites, factories and shipyards are reported in newspapers throughout Turkey every day. Its pages portray a legal system unable to compensate victims and a problem so commonplace that it is impossible accurately to count. The foundation’s report makes use of only those deaths reported in newspapers, which is why Yetimoğlu said the real tally is likely far higher. A state-run Turkish Statistics Institute (TurkStat) report on accidents in 2012 is due out later this year, but that too may report a figure lower than the actual number, he argued. “When a big accident happens, it may prove almost impossible to cover up. But if a single worker is killed at an unregistered, rural construction site, it is plausible to say the press or local government might never know,” suggested Yetimoğlu. The notorious death of 13-year-old child worker Ahmet Yıldız this past March seems a case in point: When the child’s head was struck by a hydraulic rubber molding press at an unregistered factory in the province of Adana, his employer rushed him to the hospital, but insisted that the seventh grader had been struck by a car. What happened to Yıldız only became clear after doctors became suspicious and a police investigation was launched.

TurkStat last month estimated that 36 percent of all employees working in Turkey do so without registering with the government at all and flagged the country’s construction sector as a leading industry for off-the-books employment, a trend especially worrying given that 51.1 percent of the listed deaths in the One Hope Foundation’s report are deaths in the construction sector. Mining accounted for 14.8 percent of all deaths, while accidents in agriculture accounted for 16.5 percent. The vast size of the unofficial labor market (which has, to the government’s credit, been reduced to 36 percent of the total labor market from over 50 percent at the beginning of the decade) is why estimates range so widely between the minimum tally of 10,000 deaths in the past decade and the maximum estimate of 17,000 deaths, said Yetimoğlu.

Even when the government records deaths and evidence of negligence, there is little chance that an accident might lead to serious legal action against supervisors and companies that activists say are responsible. In March 2012, 11 workers were killed in an onsite dormitory fire at a mall construction site in the İstanbul suburb of Esenyurt. Government inspectors found that the nylon tent dormitories lacked a second exit, smoke alarms or safe wiring. Five workers, including the site’s electrical engineer, were arrested and now face charges of manslaughter, but the construction firm, Kayı İnşaat, has yet to face a fine or legal action more than a year after the accident. “This is the template for how litigation against companies works. A few people at the bottom are punished. In some cases the construction site, factory or mine is shut down for under a week. We don’t see anything else,” said Yetimoğlu. “Media coverage also covers specific accidents as a problem with ‘Turkish industry’ in general, not as the negligence of a specific company. So companies don’t face pressure,” he added.

Little is also done to prevent accidents before they start, acknowledge government officials, who say that most workers aren’t given emergency training for fires or other disasters. Kayhan Inal, a Labor Ministry spokesperson, said during an interview in January of this year that even registered workplaces “generally lack inspectors, basic safety training or even ways for workers to complain about environments they sense are dangerous.”

He also defended the Labor Ministry’s performance concerning workplace accidents, citing the lower number of unregistered companies, but stressed, “It isn’t near enough, and we know that and are taking more steps.” Inal couldn’t be reached for an interview this week.

This correspondent found earlier this year that even on government and municipal construction sites — including the Haliç metro bridge site, where shifts continued during a January blizzard that shut down most of the city — workers say that inspections are almost unknown and that safety is rarely discussed. They also complain that the manual labor market is deeply troubled by its reliance on temp agencies (known in Turkish as the taşeron system) that hold back pay, arbitrarily fire workers and easily skirt strengthened labor laws.

Activists also argue that because temporary workers usually lack any professional or technical training, they also should be barred from potentially dangerous jobs. That especially goes for Turkey’s mining industry, which has seen 2,500 deaths in the last two decades and is considered the third most dangerous in the world. Earlier this year, the Akşam daily claimed that nine out of every 10 Turkish workers who died during the last decade were hired through temp agencies.

The long view of many economists after last month’s textile factory collapse in Bangladesh — an accident that killed over 1,100 — is that the accident won’t lead to deep reforms: More reforms would undercut the country’s competitiveness and deprive the very workers the government is trying to protect of their jobs. The argument is hard to apply to Turkey. “The government is already pushing to better audit firms and enforce the regulatory taxes that are the main burden of entering the formal economy,” said Yetimoğlu. “Providing inspectors and serious legal cases against companies that murder their workers is a moral necessity but also something that isn’t going to destroy the economy.”

There’s also the question of what kind of economy Turkey wants. Officials in Ankara say Turkey isn’t aspiring to be Bangladesh or China, but a member of the EU with a skilled workforce and high labor standards. A look at the “2012 Almanac of Workplace Murders” might give them an idea about where they can start.

http://www.todayszaman.com/news-317135-an-almanac-tracks-turkeys-workplace-tragedies.html

‘Pan-Islamic thought in Turkey’

The Zeytinburnu Municipality hosted a three-day symposium over the weekend. With eight sittings, and four speakers per sitting, there were a total of 48 papers presented at this symposium.

Speakers included experts like İsmail Kara, a leading authority on pan-Islam, who presented his own long-term view. While heated debates were sparked by questions from audience members, the symposium dealt with almost every topic that fits into the category of pan-Islam. With very few exceptions, all the experts on this particular topic were included in the symposium, with almost no sub-category overlooked. And so, what was the result? The result could be termed essentially as a three-day autopsy process for pan-Islamic thought, a once-serious trend in thought that no longer has any societal or political counterpart. In fact, one of the academic experts in Turkey when it comes to pan-Islam is myself. My doctoral thesis focused on the “birth phase” of the original form of Islamic ideology via Ottoman intellectuals between the years of 1868-72. Last year, in my column in Zaman, I defended a thesis entitled “Pan-Islam is dead.” Later, my book called “Pan-Islam between Birth and Death” came out. The whole idea that, in fact, “Pan-Islam is dead” wound up sparking a round of heated debates, with many columns being written on the topic. The recent symposium hosted by the Zeytinburnu Municipality also triggered these sorts of debates.

I not only followed the Zeytinburnu symposium, but also presented my own paper. I can definitely affirm that the debates were lively and colorful. I believe that the world of ideologies is composed not only of intelligence and theories, but also of emotions. Talking about a living organism and debating a political movement that is no longer relevant are two very different things. What I felt throughout the course of this recent symposium was a sense of exhaustion that only seemed to support my thesis that pan-Islam is in fact dead. As the strongest authorities on pan-Islam debated their topic, it was as though we were looking out upon an archeological dig aiming to uncover lost civilizations.

Of course, some very valuable and original pieces of information and theses were put forward at the symposium. The information provided by Hamza Türkmen in his paper was quite startling and interesting. For example, there was Türkmen’s assertion that the books written in the 1960s by radical pan-Islamic supporter Sayyid Qutb — one of the founders of the Muslim Brotherhood — were in fact translated into Turkish by the the Turkish Intelligence Organization (MİT). The reason for this was the creation of a political movement that would be able to compete with the continually strengthening Marxist movement. In a way, this sums up the functioning of the Cold War mechanism.

Ideas presented by expert Necdet Subaşı — namely that pan-Islam becomes more conservative when it gets closer to the state, and more radical when closer to the ranks of society — were key for those who are interested in comparing the past with the present in light of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) leadership.

The pan-Islam movement is an ideology that emerged in the 1860s in İstanbul. As the ideology grew stronger some one hundred years later in Turkey, it was nourished less by its own historical traditions from this soil, and more — by way of translations — from places like Egypt and India, where radical pan-Islam had already strengthened. At the same time, though, pan-Islam never became a main movement in Turkey as it had in other countries. Support for it always remained marginal, the reason for this being that two movements had already preceded it onto the foundations on which it might have flourished. Both Said Nursî and “Nurculuk” took the potential that might have belonged to pan-Islam, and turned it toward a completely different direction. Secondly, the National View path, started by former-Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, pulled these radical tendencies into multi-partied democratic life, thus taming and domesticating them. And one of the outcomes of these democratic politics is today’s AK Party leadership. These democratic movements, which the secular-Kemalist regime was unable to prevent, wound up eliciting a different sort of success story than had been seen in other Islamic countries. And so, the same AK Party one sees today — which influences the entire Islamic world — is in fact the creation of this rich story that unfolded before it.

http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-315993-pan-islamic-thought-in-turkey.html

qualche notizia economica dalla Turchia : Turkish, Korean companies come together .Turkey’s Central Bank reserves down

http://www.controappuntoblog.org/2013/06/02/qualche-notizia-economica-dalla-turchia-turkish-korean-companies-come-together-turkeys-central-bank-reserves-down/

Projet urbain : émeute à Istanbul – 31 mai 2013

http://www.controappuntoblog.org/2013/06/01/projet-urbain-emeute-a-istanbul-%E2%80%93-31-mai-2013/

 

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